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WP:THREATENING2MEN: Misogynist Infopolitics and the Hegemony of the Asshole Consensus on English Wikipedia

1 Leave a comment on paragraph 1 0 When schools discourage reporting, they collude with many societal forces to cover up sexual violence. Sexual violence thrives on secrecy.
– Jennifer Freyd, ’Official Campus Statistics for Sexual Violence Mislead’

2 Leave a comment on paragraph 2 3 I spent approximately 5 hours creating the Wikipedia category Schools Announced Under Investigation for Sexual Violence Policy Violations, which included a short introduction and inter-Wikipedia links to all of the colleges and universities that the Office of Civil Rights (OCR) announced were “under investigation” for Title IX and Clery Act violations. A category on Wikipedia functions as an indexing tool that enables people interested in, say, campus sexual violence, to be able to see all of the schools that were part of the OCR announcement, and to read about the particular circumstances that resulted in the investigation. Alongside this category, then, I spent approximately 15 hours researching and writing information about campus sexual violence into college and university Wikipedia pages, drawing on sources ranging from national newspapers to student publications documenting campus sexual violence on the 72 campuses under investigation by the OCR. This occurred over the course of one week.

3 Leave a comment on paragraph 3 3 Within 12 hours of finishing this massive project, my 20 hours of labor was completely undone by what at first appeared to be a discreet number of Wikipedians. Information about campus sexual violence was removed from college and university pages because it was not “defining” of the institution ( WP:UNDUE) , or appeared from unreliable source (WP:RELIABLE), or because the events were too recent to be understood as historically relevant to institutions (WP:RECENTISM), or because they were written in a “biased” tone (WP:POV), or – more to the logic of all of the edits – simply because other Wikipedians didn’t like the edits. Beyond those deletions, the category I created, the index of schools announced under investigation by the Department of Education in a historic first, was nominated for deletion (consensus driven) and speedy deletion (administratively executed in cases of defamatory content). Citing the range of editorial “reverts” on content referencing campus sexual violence, this group of Wikipedians successfully had content deleted through what I hereafter refer to WP:THREATENING2MEN and the hegemony of the asshole consensus.

4 Leave a comment on paragraph 4 3 In this essay, I use my experience of writing campus sexual violence into Wikipedia to shine a light on a larger issue in misogynist infopolitics on the so-called “Encyclopedia anyone can edit.” Broadly speaking, Wikipedia functions through four primary zones of inter-user contact: articles (Figure 1), change logs (history) (Figure 2), talk pages (Figure 3), and administrative boards. The article is the front of a Wikipedia entry, containing a lead that outlines the defining characteristics of the object the article is about, and multiple subsequent sections. These articles are primarily written by an all-volunteer digital labor force popularly identified as Wikipedians. Wikipedians author and edit entries based on a score of policies designated by WP:.[1] Their edits – edits broadly referring to any changing of content on Wikipedia – are automatically documented in the history, and are accompanied by self-described “edit summaries.” These summaries indicate why an edit was made, typically with reference to a Wikipedia policy, writing practice (e.g., edited for tone) or minor edit (e.g., spelling correction). In instances where contentious edits occur, or where major changes are needed, Wikipedians use the talk page to communicate with other Wikipedians who are watching – closely following the revisions of – a particular article. Talk pages are dedicated to the betterment of an article, and are a primary zone for the exercise of debates about entries. When those debates become contentious, or an editor becomes hostile, conversations are moved to Administrative Boards like “Articles for Deletion (AfD),” “Categories for Discussion/Deletion (XfD),” and “Administrators’ Noticeboard/Incidents (ANI).” These pages are run by Wikipedia super-editors, granted the authority to make binding decisions on content inclusion or exclusion, and/or discipline Wikipedia editors engaged in “disruptive” behavior. Like the talk pages, consensus and WP policies reign supreme in these spaces, the culmination of which has led quantitative scholars to assert that Wikipedians “rule with reason” (Iosub et al., 2014).

5 Leave a comment on paragraph 5 1 Durkheimian in nature, most ethnographies of Wikipedia examine what it means to negotiate harmful interactions, and preserve what is in essence a culture of consensus in the face of anomie (e.g. Jamielniak, 2014; Reagle 2010).[2] These ethnographies fall in line with more quantitative analyses, like Iosub et al. (2014), which argues that, while confronting contentious debates, Wikipedians primarily “rule with reason” through Wikipedia’s various policies on what constitutes appropriate encyclopediac content. Against the grain, then, my ethnography examines the hostile environment that becomes normalized through these seemingly banal “Wiki Policies,” such that Wikipedia must be protected from “a gender war” that introduces information about campus sexual violence.[3] Doing so is not without it’s quantitative supporters: Kriplean and Beschastnikh for instance, have argued that WP: are most prevalent in sites of heavy ideological conflict, while a joint University of Washington & HP Labs project has examined the hierarchy of policies mobilized in rhetorical “power plays” to remove or advocate for information inclusion. Ethnography exceeds the capacities of quantitative – especially “big data” – methods, providing a snap shot of those “power plays” and conflict in action. Furthermore, focusing on gender, this ethnography is able to examine the ways in which male privilege is at stake on Wikipedia in ways that other gender issues are not.[4]

6 Leave a comment on paragraph 6 3 Here, I create an important distinction between male privilege and misogyny: where male privilege might be understood as a form of power granted to individuals based on assertions or assumptions about their gender, misogyny is the use of that power in acts of domination. If this ethnography is about misogynist infopolitics and the normalization of hostility in online “cultures” like Wikipedia, so too is it an ethnography about the boundaries and limitations of male privilege – most notably, my own. As a cis-gendered white man writing content into Wikipedia to raise awareness about the violent sexual practices of men at American universities, who knows through and through the Wikipedia manual of style, and being capable of Wiki-lawyering with the best of Wikipedians, I foolishly assumed that I could assert my male privilege to even the playing field of what would be counted as “knowledge.” Such is the mysticism of male privilege: as I quickly discovered, “ruling with reason” is a practice of misogyny not necessarily articulated to male privilege. Rather, “ruling with reason” is a set of actions made legible to Wikipedians through misogyny.

7 Leave a comment on paragraph 7 4 Broadly, this paper explores the ways in which “ruling with reason” via WP: facilitates Wikipedians’ misogynist “fight to the death. For simplicity sake, I codify “ruling with reason” as expertise, drawing on a long history of science and technology scholarship.[5] Debates on talk pages and administrator boards, alongside those left in edit summaries, are often not about the validity of information itself, but the metapragmatic dimensions of its inclusion in the opinion of Wikpedians with expertise. In the case of campus sexual violence, as I describe throughout this essay, the verifiability of facts came under question not through debates about statistics and occurrences of sexual violence, but, rather, through debates about the value of including this “type” of content on Wikipedia as per WP:. The expertise of Wikipedians on all things Wikipedia, according to Wikipedians’ actions, trumped any other form of expertise in knowledge production – such that knowledge about campus sexual violence, and its effects, was not real information. Where Wikipedians are unable to compete on the terrain of facts and content expertise, they turn to hermeneutic arguments through an near infinite, always self referencing system of WP:. To paraphrase Latour, these lawyeristic maneuvers are the most effective weapons for individuals who do not know very much about facts, as they allow Wikipedia editors to replace expertise about subject matter with expertise about Wikipedia’s rules. The image of Wikipedia I describe here, through empirical grounding in my work writing campus sexual violence into Wikipedia, is a space where the primary focus is on the mastery of policy as a tool for domination – and not on the production of, or debates about, verifiable facts and actually existing knowledge.

8 Leave a comment on paragraph 8 3 The gendered dimensions of Wikipedians’ lawyeristic tendencies became particularly legible in my work of writing campus sexual violence into Wikipedia. In the tradition of phenomenologically-oriented sociology and anthropology (Schutz, 1967; Bourdieu, 1977), I use my own body in and experiences with the process of writing campus sexual violence into Wikipedia as the site for analyses of misogyny and online knowledge culture. This site is undoubtedly nested in privilege: my social position as a white man has protected me from not only real-life sexual violence, but also the horrific symbolic violence against women in the midst of un-informed debates about campus sexual violence. As activist ethnographers have long argued, though, it is the site where privileged individuals confront domination done in their name – in this instance, I “betray” my gender (as Wikipedians argue) to confront misogynist infopolitics of Wikipedians protecting me from feminist bias – that constitute the ethnographic site par excellence for understanding domination (Juris, 2007; Anglin et al., 2013; Scheper-Hughes, 2009). In this sense, both my work and this essay are counter hegemonic attempts to reveal the mechanisations of misogynist infopolitics and the hegemony of the asshole consensus on Wikipedia and beyond.

9 Leave a comment on paragraph 9 4 Hegemony, as Antonio Gramsci describes it in the complete prison notebooks, is a concept that encapsulates a wearing down of the opposition to the point of political resignation. This paper is organized into four sections that illustrate hegemony at work on Wikipedia. In the first section, I discuss the ways in which Wikipedians’ expertise is constituted scientistic discourses within lawyeristic maneuvers that declares “gendered” information – meaning feminized information about campus sexual violence – as “feminist, biased” and unfit for inclusion on Wikipedia. Documenting the ways in which these maneuvers of expertise are intended to maintain forms of male privilege endangered by “diverse” information, the second section of this paper demonstrates how all policies seemingly lead to one: WP:THREATENING2MEN. In the third section, I demonstrate the ways in which these the deference to these policies, in spite and/or despite the empirical nature of “feminist bluster,” are used to produce the “hegemony of the asshole consensus,” drawing on the philosophical work of Aaron James and Antonio Gramsci. I conclude with a positive move, a suggestion for transforming Wikipedia into a space of knowledge production (not policing) and ending the hegemony of the asshole consensus that departs from the conventional wisdom of “add women and stir” Wikimedia Foundation’s rhetoric of gendered civility and diversity.

10 Leave a comment on paragraph 10 1 If Wikipedia is such a contentious space, then why use it as a platform to counteract the worst kept best-kept secret of campus sexual violence? If the stakes are so low, why fight to the death? The answer to this lies in the high traffic and search engine rankings of Wikipedia pages. According to JSON data gathered through a WikiEngineer project, the Wikipedia page for University of Chicago received 101,678 views between August and October 2014, and is the second Google search result – underneath University of Chicago itself. Including information in this prominent space would provide students with crucial information about the climate and safety of individual campuses, while also creating information about campuses that allow survivors of campus sexual violence to locate themselves in institutional history – which has included multiple high-profile instances of campus sexual violence targeted at women. The stakes, I will argue, are not all that low.

Gender and Wikipedian Expertise

11 Leave a comment on paragraph 11 2 Gender is the third rail of Wikipedia. According to a BBC report on sexism and the Wikimedia Foundation demographics survey, “The proportion of editors identifying as female hovers between 8% and 15%…” (Miller, 2014). Various stakeholders in Wikipedia fear that this gap has resulted in an online encyclopedia skewed toward a masculine bias, which has gradually become the zero-degree from which all “legitimate” knowledge must be produced As Adrianne Wadewitz has written, “A lack of diversity amongst editors means that, for example, topics typically associated with femininity are typically underrepresented and often actively deleted,” (Wadewitz, 2013). A recent international study of the gender demographics of Wikipedia articles about artists demonstrates this point, with women artists making up only 24% of all artists represented globally (Jane023, 2014).

12 Leave a comment on paragraph 12 0 In response to the persistent problems around gender, the Wikimedia Foundation, the non-for-profit organization that manages Wikipedia, has attempted to address what they describe as a Gender Gap through both research and policy. This included establishing the Gender Gap Task Force, mailing list, and manifesto for change, each of which was overseen by Sue Gardner, a previous Executive Director of the Wikimedia Foundation. Her motivation, she wrote, was that Wikipedia needed to “help men understand the obstacles women face [as editors] and help them become better feminists.” Filling the gender gap and making Wikipedian men feminists, she argued, would improve the overall quality of Wikipedia as an encyclopedia and a community.

13 Leave a comment on paragraph 13 1 The outrage that followed Gardner’s statement was not all that unpredictable. Critics argued that Sue Gardner was trying to “force content” into Wikipedia that “has a bias” by virtue of being “politically, not knowledge motivated” – posted to Wikipedia community forums like “Is Sue Gardner an Idiot” on Wikipedia Review (Ottava, 2012). “Accusing Wikipedia culture of being ‘trollish and misogynistic’ is nothing less than a way to silence people who challenge mainstream feminism,” one anonymous commenter wrote in response to another anonymous post declaring that “sexism = anything that challenges the misandry inherent in feminist discourse.” (Motherboard, 2014) [6] Closing the gender gap, it appears, gives form to a crisis of masculinity in sites of knowledge production, one predicated on the decline of male privilege through “diversity initiatives.”

14 Leave a comment on paragraph 14 1 Where Internet and forum comments respond to Gardner’s assertions with emotional forms of outrage, protesting imbalanced forms of political power allotted to women and “political correctness,” Wikipedians responded “rationally” through the Byzantine system of Wikipedia policies targeted at the alleged emotionalism and bias of Gardner’s “gender war.” This maneuver is important: while one commenter suggested that addressing the gender gap on Wikipedia was “politically, not knowledge motivated,” the debate that ensued among Wikipedians was also not motivated by knowledge per se, so much as adherence to Wikipedia’s various rules of what counts as knowledge. This difference will be my focus throughout the remainder of the essay.

15 Leave a comment on paragraph 15 2 Wikipedians’ mastery of policy as a responsive tool is what constitutes what I call Wikipedian expertise, as it marks out a space of specialization for Wikipedians – and importantly, a space that transcends “subject matter” expertise. Expertise, as I use it here, does not diverge from the Oxford dictionary definition: “an authority by reason of special skill, training or knowledge.” Where I do diverge is in my cultural evaluation of the concept of expertise and its deployment. Anthropologists of science and technology have described how “the enactment of expertise not only determines the value of cultural objects… it also confers value on those who interact with these objects.” (Carr, 2010:39) Expertise is conventional and dialectical. For Wikipedians, that conventional dialectic is defined by an aggressive dismissal of expert knowledge as biased, and a replacement of expert knowledge with mastery over Wikipedia’s various policies for designating “legitimate” information. [7] Wikipedian expertise, in other words, in contrast to subject matter expertise in other domains, is metapragmatic: focused on speech about speech, form rather than content. According to Science and Technology scholars, once formalized through practices, the political constitution of (Wikipedians’) expertise becomes “placeless, without histories or corruptible archives to confound its designs on power” (Schaffer1991) – a particularly gendered form of power, no less.

16 Leave a comment on paragraph 16 1 Yet, Wikipedia’s obsessive archiving provides a history and corruptible archive that makes Wikipedians’ designs on power highly legible. In multiple instances, for example, Wikipedians scientistic logic comes to trump the scientific evaluations of scientists examining the gender gap. “It is important to gather evidence,” one Wikipedian wrote on the Gender Gap Task Force talk page. “Because in general we don’t know the gender of our fellow editors, it is not clear to me how we can establish a record of the facts.”“The big objection to working to end the gender gap,” another Wikipedian wrote in the Gender Gap Taskforce mailing list, “has been that ‘there’s no proof it exists/is important/we can change it/etc’” (CarolMooreDC, 2014) – an objection that occurs in the face of extensive research on and coverage of the gender gap. These accusations occur in the face of multiple studies by the Wikimedia Foundation and independent scholars demonstrating a clear gender gap among Wikipedians. In response to these citing this scholarship come accusations of WP:NPOV. The scientists were biased.

17 Leave a comment on paragraph 17 1 Yet, at the same time as questioning “scientific” findings for their underlying logic, Wikipedians defer to scientistic epistemes in their justifications for including offensive content. Writing of one instance when Wikipedians claimed that the recurring photographs of failed breast augmentation in the Mastectomy article was offensive, a user argued that “That’s basic science: experiment and control.” Pulling the mobilization of scientistic rationality and the bias of science together, yet another user argued that “I really don’t understand the reluctance evident throughout this project to deal in verifiable facts rather than feminist bluster.” The result of these disruptions-of-scientific debate:

18 Leave a comment on paragraph 18 0 The article on Gender bias on Wikipedia was recently tagged as needing attn. due to non-NPOV. Points of contention appear to be proper wording to neutrally present the National Science Foundation study on gender bias on WP and whether or not to include men’s right’s organization assertions regarding sexism against men on WP.

19 Leave a comment on paragraph 19 1 Wikipedians argued that the research on Gender bias on Wikipedia, like those sources that document domestic violence and misogyny in other Wikipedia articles, are “biased” and “invalid” because they do not include information about men. To demonstrate this bias, Wikipedians either engage in shallow methodological critiques or cite a litany of WP:, neither attempting to add the so-called missing men to these articles, or engage with falsifiable research that demonstrates all of this is just “feminist bluster.”

20 Leave a comment on paragraph 20 1 Like Latour’s (1988) dissenter, who distinguishes himself from the critic by doubting everything that comes into question, Wikipedians call the addition of “gendered” – meaning feminized, or anti-masculinizing – information into question because they have a stake in he metapragmatic universe affected by the pragmatic effects of such information, regardless of the authoritative-ness of the knowledge and/or knowledge producer. Take, for example, the debate around the gender gap itself, reported in major national sources and supported by research funded by agencies like the National Science Foundation. [8] Importantly, Latour continues, the dissenter is not driven by a critical desire, and has no aspirations to better the world of knowledge around him; The dissenter calls everything into question because he genuinely believes something else is at stake in excess of the topic debated – a reality that is masked by the current terms of debate. “Among the men and women with whom I am familiar,” a disruptive editor on the Gender Gap Task Force wrote, “ there is no gender-related difference with respect to their comfort with markup text. If there was no identified empirical basis for this conclusion, it appears to be a prima facie example of gender bias. (WP:NPOV)” WP:NPOV, here, signifies that the articles lack the proper grounding in a masculine disposition that can go without saying because it is assumed without saying in the public sphere of knowledge production . Hence, “research” on Wikipedia’s gender gap is not a valid argument for an article or section existing because WP:NPOV, it is not our (men’s) POV and violates our sense of WP:RECENTISM and WP:UNDUE, and WP:CONSENSUS Wikipedia is about consensus and not truth, so please respect WP:BRD. Despite, or perhaps because of, assertions that WP: are politically neutral and exist outside of the sociohistorical interactions, they end up absorbing, translating, and re-circulating epistemic forms of masculine domination on Wikipedia.

21 Leave a comment on paragraph 21 0 While “filling the gender gap” is a problematic approach to rectifying Wikipedia’s misogynist infopolitics, as I discuss in the conclusion of this article, it does reveal the ways in which gender elicits widespread fights that no other category of difference – race, ethnicity, sexuality, disability, or class – does. For example, within six hours of TMZ’s release of the Donald Sterling tapes, in which the former owner of the Los Angeles Clippers demanded that his girlfriend “not bring black people to my games.” Wikipedians had included information and transcripts from the story – all before network news had a chance to report on the incidence. Throughout the transcript of Wikipedia edits during this controversy, there were no debates as to whether the information belonged in the article. As one Wikipedian pre-emptively wrote,

22 Leave a comment on paragraph 22 0 “There is nothing biased, nor is there a violation of WP:NPOV [Neutral Point of View] by using the term “controversy” in the section title… Cgingold makes a compelling argument for inclusion of the term and his argument is backed by reliable sourcing as well – which is a policy and not an essay.”[9]

23 Leave a comment on paragraph 23 3 The rapidity with which Wikipedians wrote Sterling’s racism into Wikipedia offers a stark contrast to the response to additions regarding gender violence. Take for example, the Ray Rice domestic violence controversy: Although reliable sources existed regarding Rice’s behavior, sections referencing it were repeatedly deleted and a debate ensued on the talk page and history regarding what constituted assault and/or domestic violence. Further debate ensued about the reliability of the surveillance video released of Rice punching is partner was substantial: “The video is not clear and it is not discernable whether he is trying to push her away or hitting her,” – reasoning that prompted administrators to semi-protect the page from editing in “false accusations.” Not once was the authenticity or reliability of the Sterling audio tapes questioned, despite the ease with which audio can be manipulated in ways that are much more difficult for video. Similarly, the history of the Eliot Rodger article (merged with the 2014 Isla Vista Shootings) reveals debates over whether he should be included in the category “violence against men” instead of “misogyny,” whether the word “misogyny” should be used since he killed more men than women, and if there should even be a section entitled “misogyny” given the “bias” of the term. One editor wrote “it [“misogyny” appearing as a motive] smelled like someone waiting until everyone else has lost interest, and then trying to sneak in a POV change.” Prior to that, the section referencing misogyny was anonymously deleted, sources typically accepted as reliable questioned, and an argument about whether misogyny constituted a motive occurred – an argument that was based on Wikipedia’s definitions of neutrality, and not on reliable criminology sources detailing what a motive “is”. In the interests of so-called “neutrality” and “objectivity,” Wikipedians sought to deny Rodger’s own assertions of misogynistic intent because it revealed the ways in which something else – male privilege – is at stake on Wikipedia.

24 Leave a comment on paragraph 24 1 My work adding information about campus sexual violence was met with similar forms of interaction, where the only substantial replies – substantial in the sense that they are humored by other Wikipedians, or met with more policy citations – are those that contain further policy citations; otherwise, a Wikipedian adding information opposed by policies is met with “Please follow Wikipedia policies.” Alongside these arguments were constant references to scientistic discourses of “objectivity” and “verifiability,” often without understandings of these terms outside of WP:. Thus, while a scientistic discourse underlies the logical system of Wikipedian policies, it is an actuarial and lawyeristic episteme structured by a history of encyclopediac male privilege (see Bourque, 2006; Bolton, 2000) that confers expertise on Wikipedians as gatekeepers of legitimate knowledge. In the context of Wikipedia’s Gender Gap, the use of policies to “rule with reason,” is in essence a façade for maintaining a a misogynist infopolitics fundamentally opposed to information threatening to male privilege both on and beyond Wikipedia – regardless of how well-sourced. In this sense, as I describe in the next section, the whole of WP: used to exclude and censor “gendered” and thus “biased” information are reducible to one: WP:THREATENING2MEN.

WP:THREATENING2MEN

25 Leave a comment on paragraph 25 0 Editing from a neutral point of view (NPOV) means representing fairly, proportionately, and, as far as possible, without bias, all of the significant views that have been published by reliable sources on a topic… The policy is nonnegotiable and all editors and articles must follow it.

26 Leave a comment on paragraph 26 0 From WP:NPOV

27 Leave a comment on paragraph 27 1 In this section, I focus on the repetitive claims to neutrality made through the panoply of WP:THREATENING2MEN. Central to these, and indeed a policy that appears to be core in Wikipedians resistance to “gendered” information in general, is WP:NPOV (Neutral Point of View). The first time I encountered WP:NPOV while writing about campus sexual violence on Wikipedia was in relation to edits in the Leads of articles. The lead, or the first paragraphs of a Wikipedia article, “should define the topic, establish context… and summarize the most important points, including any prominent controversies.” . In response to adding information about campus sexual violence at the University of Chicago, one user wrote on my talk page:

28 Leave a comment on paragraph 28 0 Per WP:MOS/LEAD, we should not “violate Wikipedia:Neutral point of view by giving undue attention to less important controversies in the lead section.” In the scope of the University of Chicago’s 125-year history, a current sexual assault investigation (not an accusation or a charge, but merely an investigation), which is also being carried out on several other universities, is not so fundamental that it should be discussed in the very first paragraph of the lead.

29 Leave a comment on paragraph 29 1 Following a lengthy debate about the appropriateness of this information for leads – which I return to momentarily to discuss policies of temporality – I began adding “controversies” sections as per consensus at the Wikipedia University project page. These were modeled after the longstanding information at Occidental College, which has been a leader in campus sexual violence activism. Where information about campus sexual violence wasn’t necessarily available in the “defining” part of the article, it was prominently displayed in the table of contents for each article. Based on consensus, I also created a category entitled “CAT:Schools under investigation for Title IX violations.” Within two weeks, having passed administrative review that verified the category as legitimate, a group of Wikipedians nominated the category for deletion. WP:NPOV was central in the discussion that was meant to lead to a consensus – which is actually processed as a majoritarian vote, rather than forms of compromise.

30 Leave a comment on paragraph 30 3 From these limited examples, it appears that WP:NPOV is an amorphous category, in which Wikipedians experience an affront to objectivity, however poorly defined. This amorphousness of neutrality and objectivity is not restricted to edits regarding campus sexual violence. As information about current Title IX investigations and previous Title IX/Clery violations at colleges and universities was deleted, Wikipedians protested a violation of a metaphysical neutrality that was not defined by benchmarks, but rather “feelings” that “political” information was not information at all. Because campus sexual violence disproportionately effects women, who are located within institutions traditionally gendered male, and because the experience of campuses as sexually violent social spheres exists outside of the predominantly masculine standpoint epistemology of Wikipedians, to these men, adding information about campus sexual violence “felt like” a front for “inserting politics” into otherwise neutral (not social) spheres of information. To “rule with reason” by feeling – and not by “objective,” (i.e., external) benchmarks – seems to be an internal contradiction lost on these Wikipedians.

31 Leave a comment on paragraph 31 0 Perhaps the most demonstrative case of feeling defining neutrality was in regards to the category that I created to organize schools that were announced as being under investigation. Categories function as an indexing tool, showing relationships among discrete articles. In an administrative debate about the “value” of the category, one editor wrote that

32 Leave a comment on paragraph 32 0 Speaking as a practicing lawyer, I find this category offensive. If we keep it, I suggest we rename it “Universities that have been accused of Title IX violations, but have yet to be proven culpable of anything.” Quite simply it flies in the face of WP:NPOV, the presumption of innocence, and common sense. And from a Wikipedia category guidelines perspective, the category is not a defining characteristic. As usual, the most controversial XfDs always involved editors with an agenda.[10]

33 Leave a comment on paragraph 33 1 The Wikipedian’s assumption, here, is that the creation of the category was not driven by the verifiable, factual nature of the listing, but a deeper conspiracy against some an undefined neutrality on Wikipedia. Throughout the comment, this Wikipedian makes both metapragmatic gestures to forms of expertise – “Speaking as a practicing lawyer, “ “It flies in the face of WP:NPOV, the presumption of innocence, and common sense,” – as well as appeals to a situated form of universal knowledge called common sense, which requires no supportive citations. How, for instance, could this Wikipedian speak from a neutral point of view, if, “speaking as a practicing lawyer, I find this category offensive,”? And, how does one’s editing agenda – taken neutrally as things people like to edit, pedantically as an accusation of being “political” – preclude the facticity of information? The situated-ness of knowledge being pointed out here is then turned on its head by another commenter advocating for deletion. “Temporary cat at best, non-defining at worst, subjective because “by whom” is wholly omitted. Category:Foos being investigated for XXX by YYY.” This user demands that the encyclopedic subject be clearly grounded in its “gendered” social position to prove it is subjective, not objective like the knowledge of the Wikipedian himself.

34 Leave a comment on paragraph 34 2 Not all subjective positions of knowing, however, are created equal. Had I countered the XfD (Categories for Discussion/Deletion) arguments with “speaking as a survivor” or “speaking as a sociologist who researches sexual violence” or “as a student at xxx college,” my appeals would have readily been described as biased and not objective. Why, then, is it possible for one user to situate their professional knowledge as authoritative over other forms? At its surface, it might appear that the answer would lie in the masculine position of the arguer – “I am a lawyer” confers more masculine prestige than “I am a sociologist with expertise in sexual violence/gender/maleprivilege.” Yet, also important to highlight is the way in which “I am a lawyer” resonates with the form of expertise at hand. Where scientific experts have access to facts that are beyond dispute – or authority to declare them as such – the lawyer can only generate facts by connecting legal statements with other legal statements in ways that systematically erase the details from which these emerge because it is oriented to the supreme value of the social and not reality. (Latour, 2009:202) “I am a lawyer,” whether the person was a lawyer or not, is an enunciation of and resonates with the lawyeristic dimensions of Wikipedia’s debates – and the conventional (not published) goal of Wikipedia process.

35 Leave a comment on paragraph 35 1 Where WP:NPOV often appears as an umbrella accusation based on a metaphysical response on the part of the objective, Wikipedians also attempt to use an “objectified” longue duree to justify the exclusion of campus sexual violence from Wikipedia pages. They do so through two arguments, WP:UNDUE and WP:RECENTISM, the former often implied in the latter. WP:RECENTISM refers to

36 Leave a comment on paragraph 36 1 writing or editing without a long-term, historical view, thereby inflating the importance of a topic that has received recent public attention and possibly resulting in… the muddling or diffusion o the timeless facts of a subject, previously recognized by Wikipedian consensus.

37 Leave a comment on paragraph 37 0 In turn, WP:UNDUE refers to giving a topic “undue weight,” arguing that “articles should not give minority views or aspects as much of, or as detailed, a description as more widely held views or widely supported aspects.” To add an important detail from the contemporary moment, that colleges and universities have been “put on notice” fails to take into account the long history of universities (see above quote regarding University of Chicago), and is clearly being asserted because of a minority viewpoint that believes it is important. “This was removed due to WP:RECENTISM and WP:UNDUE. If something comes from the investigation, then perhaps it makes sense to include it,” a Wikipedian wrote in an edit summary for the Catholic University of America. Another Wikipedian argued in the Wikipedia University Project that “This controversy is not major in the scope of these universities’ history.” In short, the meaning of WP:RECENTISM and WP:UNDUE is supported by a history that Wikipedians write themselves, yet presume to exist as an object outside of their own creation. One Wikipedian sums this up in his explanation of why campus sexual violence did not belong on the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill article, writing that

38 Leave a comment on paragraph 38 1 As it is, this [campus sexual assault controversy] is a largely unnoteworthy (sic) case as it relates to the university as a whole, which is what this article is about. I’m sure over the 200+ years the university has been open, there have been literally hundreds of controversies far more notable than this one, so I can’t see a reason why this 1 case would get its own section in the article.

39 Leave a comment on paragraph 39 0 Indeed, this future-oriented argument has a name and associated Wikipedia policy: WP:10YEARTEST. “In ten years will this addition still appear relevant?” the policy reads. As one Wikipedian wrote, nominating the article on the Title IX investigation announcement made by the Office of Civil Rights in 2014 for deletion,

40 Leave a comment on paragraph 40 0 I do not believe that a list of schools under investigation has “enduring historical significance.” True, this is the first time the schools under investigation have been publicly named, but what about all the schools that have been investigated in the past? What about those that will be in the future? I don’t think an investigation of this nature is noteworthy. If something comes of those investigations, then perhaps, but not a routine investigation by itself. The OCR investigates all types of complaints all across the country. We don’t have, for example, a List of Schools with Open Discrimination on the basis of race, color, or national origin investigations for example. This article fails the WP:10 year test.

41 Leave a comment on paragraph 41 0 The Wikipedian does not “believe” that there will be any significance. As the WP:10YEARTEST continues, “Editors writing today do not have a historical perspective on today’s events, and should not pretend to have a crystal ball.” On what grounds, then, does the above user have a policy driven argument? How, one might ask of the policy, does one know that event will not be important in ten years? The short answer is, based on my analysis and experience so far, by adhering to a strictly enforced, yet highly implicit, masculine standpoint epistemology. Wikipedian expertise is, as I previously asserted, a conventional recognition of legitimacy.

42 Leave a comment on paragraph 42 0 Transformed into a thing without creator, and the object of history with no history itself, the exclusion of campus sexual violence from college and university Wikipedia articles itself becomes the reason for its exclusion from Wikipedia articles – regardless of the objective facts about campus sexual violence, or its long history. In instances when such a history is provided, it is deleted for “WP:UNDUE,” because it is not recorded for other universities. When articles are provided to create such a history, as was the case in one instance, it was renamed by another Wikipedian, and then a third argued that based on the name it was not an appropriate article. When a Wikipedian claimed that the removal of information about campus sexual violence was disruptive, pointing to the existing article on “Higher Education Institutions Announced in Title IX and Clery Investigation,” the Wikipedian erasing the content nominated the article on the investigrations for deletion in order to justify future deletions of information about campus sexual violence from university and college pages.

43 Leave a comment on paragraph 43 0 The surface assertion here, of course, is that American colleges and universities do not have a long history of sexual violence because it is not present on Wikipedia pages. One Wikipedian suggests as much on the talk page for the Universities project, arguing that part of the problem is that adding information about campus sexual violence creates an imbalance in information. “First, an investigation is just an investigation… I’m sure there have been many investigations over the years, but these would be highlighted just because they’re currently in progress.” With few exceptions (e.g., Occidental College), none of the Wikipedia pages for colleges and universities included on the Department of Education Office of Civil Rights list of investigations have information regarding campus sexual violence – despite some universities being found in non-compliance on multiple instances. That this information is missing reflects not simply an oversight but a missed sight: the lack of a point of view in which sexual violence is important to the histories of American colleges and universities. This is the very point of view occluded by WP:THREATENING2MEN.

44 Leave a comment on paragraph 44 0 Citing a veritable panoply of WP: is the primary tactic for “wearing down” political oppositions to the status quo, and WP:THREATENING2MEN is forged in a battle that goes relatively unseen as men and women alike abandon the collaborative work of writing Wikipedia out of sheer exhaustion. Through WikiLawyering, as it is referred to on Wikipedia, facts external to the social sphere in which WP:THREATENING2MEN is crafted are clearly in violation of WP:THREATENING2MEN. For many potential Wikipedians invested in adding “controversial” content about gender – again, for Wikipedians, meaning women – the uneven amount of time spent debating whether or not the New York Times or Department of Education are reliable sources via an obscure, self-referential and seemingly infinite set of policies is hardly worth the work of contributing – in part because there is no real contribution made by these debates, in which consensus is reached through one-sided decisions to erase “biased” information. That consensus process is a crucial piece of the hegemony of the asshole consensus.

The Hegemony of the Asshole Consensus

45 Leave a comment on paragraph 45 1 Where the endless citations of policies constitute the erosive dimension of hegemony, the consensus process promotes and facilitates the resignation to the hegemony of the asshole consensus. Asshole, here, is a theoretical concept and not (simply) a pejorative: Assholes, Aaron James (2012) argues, are driven by a sense of self-entitlement that is justified by pragmatic reasoning in the face of moral or epistemic debates. In order for the hermeneutic circle that constitutes WP:THREATENING2MEN to remain tightly sealed, and thus the self-entitlement of Wikipedians fully realized, there is a strong need for social forms of enforcement, or what Antonio Gramsci has called relations of force: symbolically violent forms of interaction that seek to demonstrate the necessary and sufficient conditions for public participation in Wikipedia.

46 Leave a comment on paragraph 46 3 The social benefits and/or costs of Wikipedia’s reliance on consensus for producing authoritative qua factually accurate information has been widely debated in terms of reliability. (Reagle, 2010; Bruns, 2008; Lih, 2009; Leitch, 2014; Burke, 2012) What is often missing from this debate, however, are the terms on which and through which consensus is produced. Where the exhausting circularity of WP:THREATENING2MEN chases off a majority of potential Wikipedia editors, my experience of writing campus sexual violence into Wikipedia revealed the extent to which those that remain are anything but free to contribute in ways they see fit – and are often subjected to implicit threats or explicit acts of harassment. Rather than concentrate on the disjunction between ideal consensus and its failed practice, this section examines Wikipedians’ practice of consensus making, particularly as it revolves around forms of coercion via anticipation, paranoia, and experiences of harassment that were intended to fortify the masculine subject position that forms the conventional zero-degree of knowledge production on Wikipedia. Yet, the binary between harasser/harassed does not reflect the complex reality of Wikipedia’s environment. What makes Wikipedia unique, or what makes Wikipedians a unique type of asshole, to re-summon Aaron James, is its and their ability to force everyone around them to resign to being an asshole too as a strange survival strategy.

47 Leave a comment on paragraph 47 0 As I mentioned in the introduction, citing Wikipedia’s consensus policy

48 Leave a comment on paragraph 48 1 Consensus is Wikipedia’s fundamental model for editorial decision-making, and is marked by addressing legitimate concerns held by editors through a process of compromise while following Wikipedia policies.

49 Leave a comment on paragraph 49 0 In the consensus process, editors do not vote or jury, but rather engage in a “rational” and “civil” conversation about the value of information based on adherence to Wikipedia’s policies. The success or failure of consensus has different results depending on the level of conversation. For deletion, for instance, positive consensus results in the deletion of the content under debate. In the instance of the category of “2014 Announcement of Schools Under Investigation for Mishandling Campus Sexual Violence,” consensus was defined through a majoritarian process where people “voted” for removal because of violations of WP:THREATENING2MEN, with one person – me, the creator – “voting” to keep the category. Like other previous contradictions, that consensus was reached by voting was lost on these Wikipedians.

50 Leave a comment on paragraph 50 0 This, then, constitutes the asshole consensus: consensus about the exclusion of information produced out of a collective, metapragmatic investment in WP:THREATENING2MEN, rather than meeting Wikipedia’s goal of being the most comprehensive encyclopedia on Earth. Yet, the Asshole consensus is not totalitarian, nor necessarily a conspiracy, but, rather, a complex hegemonic structure that is produced out of erosion and resignation. On multiple occasions, I received messages of support via email and Wikipedia’s messaging service. As one messenger wrote, “This work is really important to me, and I wish I could help. But if I do these guys will flip all of my revisions. I’m sorry.” Another discussed how important this information could be. “We should definitely document all of this history and add it. But I can’t. I get enough shit for writing about women mathematicians. I won’t even weigh in on the debate because of how toxic it is.” As Joseph McGlynn and Brian Richardson (2013) write about the experiences of whistleblowers at colleges and universities, individuals use forms of moral support in private, exacerbating – if not participating in – the public alienation of dissenting voices.

51 Leave a comment on paragraph 51 0 Gramsci’s concept of hegemony provides one framework for making sense of this problem on Wikipedia. As Gramsci writes in the recent release of the complete Prison Notebooks,

52 Leave a comment on paragraph 52 0 The hegemony of a central leadership over the intellectuals has these two strategic lines: “a general conception of life,” a philosophy which gives it adherents a “dignity” to set against the dominant ideologies of a principle struggle; [and] a scholastic program which interest the fraction of the intellectuals that is most homogenous and the most numerous and provides them with an appropriate activity in their technical field.

53 Leave a comment on paragraph 53 1 With reference to dignity and the scholastic program, Gramsci’s hegemony is not a “consent to domination” in exchange for symbolic and economic resources,” but, rather, “I resign to domination, and reproducing that domination, in order to maintain the dignity that is itself intimately connected to the material reward for doing so.” In short, Wikipedians resign to the asshole consensus in order to move through the Wikipedia world more easily – an ease made possible through a form of male privilege that is accessible to editors regardless of gender, given Wikipedia’s baseline assumptions that everyone is a “he” until thought otherwise.

54 Leave a comment on paragraph 54 0 Relations of force as the implications of practice, rather than simply the intentions of ideology, are core to coercing consensus on Wikipedia, and other Wikipedians fears of being harassed are not unfounded. In the case above, where the list of campuses under investigation named by the OCR was nominated for deletion, the nominator had created multiple accounts (or “sockpuppets”) to simultaneously “vote” for deletion, and remove information from other campuses. This form of “sockpuppet” harassment went beyond reverting my work on sexual violence; the editor went through my history and un-deleted personal attacks previously made by another harassing editor, and went as far as reporting me as “disruptive” to administrators.[11] When the Sockpuppet was discovered, other “deletionists” rallied around maintaining the sockpuppets edits declaring him to be a victim of censorship. The outsiders had become the oppressors, as is so often the rhetorical move in debates about gender and digital culture in the past months. (Sparrow, 2014)

55 Leave a comment on paragraph 55 0 In some cases, the hegemonic coercion of consent was such that individuals who had previously sent me messages of support then publicly supported the deletion of information. This was most typically the case when individuals expected to weigh in (either because of their status as editors working on college and university pages, or because of the particular place or article being written) at first resisted doing so because of their support for the inclusion of this information. When they did weigh in in opposition, they focused on the failure or challenge to Wikipedia policies, and not the content per se, for removing content or voicing support for removal. Their deference, to return to James, disregards the importance of information – framed both by a moral argument for equal representations of experiences at universities, and a moral argument for writing “comprehensive histories” of colleges and universities – through deference to pragmatic guidelines that are made to appear external to, and not implicated in, the social relations of force deployed in debates about including information about campus sexual violence.

56 Leave a comment on paragraph 56 0 In short, the hegemony of the asshole consensus has the power to transform everyone into an asshole. But the blame does not lie with every user. I discuss these conflicted motives of some Wikipedians in order to remind us that Wikipedians’ motivations are complex webs of practice that are not reducible to a misogynist intention in all cases. Still yet, we should not discount the impacts of these complex behaviors – however ideological, however resignatory – in producing and maintaining a hostile environment on Wikipedia.

What is to be done

57 Leave a comment on paragraph 57 2 As demonstrated by the Wikipedia Research mailing list, programmer-researchers have been focused on imagining sociotechnical fixes not simply to Wikipedia’s gender gap, but to editor attrition in general. Yet, a perusal of the numerous solutions proposed on the list, and the Wikimedia Grant-funded research projects, demonstrate the ways in which these “sociotechnical” solutions tend to be technological fixes to a social problem – that Wikipedians are assholes, and it is effecting the content – rather than sociotechnical solutions to fighting off, or minimizing, the negative effects of the hegemony of the asshole consensus.

58 Leave a comment on paragraph 58 3 Problematically, the Wikimedia Foundation’s rhetoric of the gender gap may very well have been the “social” fix to the hegemony of the asshole consensus. Frequently cited research articles from the early years of the “gender gap” rhetoric alluded to the ways in which increasing the number of women could “civilize” Wikipedian debates (Wooley et al., 2010), with more recent research suggesting the same (Iosub, 2014). In doing so, they have taken an epistemological problem – a lack of a space of multiple points of view – and attempted an ontological solution – add more women, stir. The problem, however, to return to a distinction with which I situated myself as a Wikipedian, is that the gender gap confronts male privilege, while the hegemony of the asshole consensus is predicated on misogyny.

59 Leave a comment on paragraph 59 1 The rhetoric of the gender gap, and its need for filling, fails to do the very real and actual cultural work necessary for transforming Wikipedia into an equitable space. Indeed, it may actually do more harm than good: colleges and universities, for example, have approached diversity initiatives, increasing a phenotypical diversity (ontological issue) to counter forms of discrimination (epistemological/cultural issue) that institutions of higher education were in part responsible for producing. The result for American colleges and universities is the very campus sexual violence epidemic I attempted to write into Wikipedia. And, while the consequences for dumping women into the violent space of Wikipedia may not be as dire, there is an ethical dimension to subjecting people historically marginalized by symbolic violence to that very same symbolic violence in order to better the enterprise of “making Wikipedia better.” Fixing Wikipedia, to bring these threads together, will fix the gender gap; throwing women into the gender gap will not fix Wikipedia.

60 Leave a comment on paragraph 60 1 Where WP:THREATENING2MEN constitutes the ways banal policies are transformed into tools for domination, “the hegemony of the asshole consensus” names the symbolic violence that I describe above. In effect, this violence restrains Wikipedia’s perspectives. In order to make Wikipedia better, then, requires not simply the addition of women, but the creation of a space of multiple points of view. Doing so will first require a major cultural shift amongst Wikipedians. Given the centrality of WP:THREATENING2MEN – that entirely self-referential system of pragmatic justifications that transforms everyone into an asshole – the best start may be to stop arguing about Wikipedia’s policies for inclusivity, or at minimum, reduce the number of policies to a set of concretely defined criteria. Given evidence that individuals have come to abuse the WP: system as a means of policing and censorship, while ignoring the policies that encourage collaboration, requiring debates to occur on the terrain of facts, rather than in the adversarial terrains of “law” and “lawyerism,” would go far in confronting the misogyny facilitated by WP:THREATENING2MEN and the hegemony of the asshole consensus.

61 Leave a comment on paragraph 61 0 Abandoning policies would also serve as an epistemological rupture, through which Wikipedians would be forced to leave behind the various pretentions and habitus generated through its current toxic culture to reformulate what Wikipedia represents (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992) — a space where facts are grounded in multiple points of view, rather than censored when they deviate from one. In order to establish healthier habits and traditions, the Wikimedia Foundation would have to actively cultivate a climate of respect, rather than falling on the failed 1990’s rhetoric of “spontaneous” online cultures “appearing” – Culture, Raymond Williams (1985) would be quick to point out, is derived from cultivation.

62 Leave a comment on paragraph 62 2 The broader significance of this paper thus lies in the “cultural” collusion between misogynist technologies of seemingly neutral policies and the silence those policies are used to enforce in sites of knowledge where male privilege is either confronted or on the decline. In this way, the online community of Wikipedia is homologous to many colleges’ and universities’ bureaucratic responses to campus sexual violence. Arguments for stricter sanctions on and control over rape-supportive subcultures, particularly athletics and Greek life (Kalof, 1993; McMahon, 2007; Flood, 2003; Armstrong and Hamilton, 2013; Sanday, 2007), are met with responses regarding “limitation of resources” and “best interests of students.” Faculty members who step out of line are, similar to Wikipedia, frequently described as “difficult people” who are unable to “understand how the rules work” – an argument often made by discrediting empirical evidence or personal experience through lawyeristic, actuarial arguments about scientific validity (Feldman, 2005), as is done on Wikipedia. All of this is to say Wikipedia exists as a microcosm – perhaps an amplification – of a cultural moment when campus sexual assault is coming to the fore of societal consciousness in domains traditionally controlled by men. What is needed is an end to WP:THREATENING2MEN and the hegemony of the asshole consensus in all of its manifestations.

Footnotes

63 Leave a comment on paragraph 63 0 [1] I use the notation WP: and its plural to discuss policies in general, as both a mark up strategy and rhetorical maneuver.

64 Leave a comment on paragraph 64 0 [2] For the classical sociologist Emile Durkheim, societies and “cultures” were cohesive, composite wholes characterized by commonality, constantly under threat from anomie, or the decomposition of social or ethical standards that create social divisiveness. This is in stark contrast to, to stay in the realm of sociology, Karl Marx, for whom capitalist societies and the cultures within them were characterized by social exploitation, hierarchy, and alienation.

65 Leave a comment on paragraph 65 0 [3] The argument that editors writing about gender violence on Wikipedia are engaged in a “Gender war” comes from a response to work on Wikipedia’s Gender Gap Task Force.

66 Leave a comment on paragraph 66 0 [4] Here, I join a number of commentators. Tom Simonite, for example, describes Wikipedians as “estimated to be 90 percent male, [they] operates a crushing bureaucracy with an often abrasive atmosphere that deters newcomers who might increase participation in Wikipedia and broaden its coverage.” The vicious debates occurring on Wikipedia, facilitated by consensus and Wikipeida policies, led Joe Miller to describe Wikipedia as a fight to the death with the lowest possible stakes. Justine Cassell similarly described Wikipedia: “rather than seeming like collaborations around the construction of knowledge, [talk pages] are full of descriptions of “edit-warring” — where successive editors try to cancel each others’ contributions out — and bitter, contentious arguments about the accuracy of conflicting points of view.” According to Cassell, the most adversely effected group of users are women. Self-described as the “Encyclopedia anyone can edit,” Wikipedia has become known among journalists and social commentators as the encyclopedia anyone can, but only a few do, edit.

67 Leave a comment on paragraph 67 0 [5] In many ways, my approach in this essay is inspired by a gap in the literature on expertise in science and technology studies – a gap that became visible only when Wikipedians were described as “ruling with reason.” Although the so-called Third Wave of Science and Technology Studies has examined the role of experts and expertise in the production and formation of structures of governance (Collins & Evans, 2002) – the so-called “rule of experts (Mitchell, 2002)– they have failed to examine the afterlives of forms of expertise beyond or in excess of state-sanctioned knowledge production. The topic of “expert rule” vis-à-vis Wikipedians’ “ruling with reason” is central in this essay: how do those Wikipedians invested in forms of male privilege mobilize tactics of expertise to grasp at crumbling forms of male privilege in an institution committed to the destruction of said privilege? Or, to put it more abruptly, how do these Wikipedians mobilize expertise as they lose their standing to “rule with [their] reason”?

68 Leave a comment on paragraph 68 0 [6] In 2014, Wikipedian John wrote a Wikipedia op-ed that described the misogynist use of she in regards to discussing seafaring vessels. In similar fashion, he received a range of comments that attempted to uphold previous misogynist practices in the name of “respect for tradition” and “free speech.” In a rhetorical move important to this paper, one commenter flipped the argument to claim feminists were oppressing editors.

69 Leave a comment on paragraph 69 0 This is exactly why no one wants to edit Wikipedia anymore: a handful of people have to lock onto and reject an open option to choose so they can force the rest of us into a increased state of misery just to politically correct [sic]. Misogyny be damned, this is censorship, plain and simple, and I for one will not stand for it on or off

70 Leave a comment on paragraph 70 0 [7] Yet, what constitutes Wikipedian expertise is radically different from the subject or research expertise described by Carr. Wikipedia is known for being dismissive of academics in general, let alone feminist academics, who “get all pissy when their contributions are edited away by Randy in Boise who heard somewhere that sword-wielding skeletons were involved [in the Peloponnesian War].”

71 Leave a comment on paragraph 71 0 [8] These debates also occur around articles not explicitly dedicated to gender or the gender gap. Take, for example, the article about the late, internationally renowned feminist Wikipedian Adrianne Wadewitz. Following her untimely death, an article was written about Wadewitz on 19 April 2014 at 11:15pm, and promptly nominated for deletion three hours later. That the debate about Wadewitz, an internationally recognized Wikipedian and scholar, revolved around the ways in which her gender required a deeper investigation of what constituted “legitimate” sources, ironically demonstrated Wadewitz’s assertions about the effects of Wikipedia’s Gender Gap. “We have a NYT obituary, but it is rather short… so the significane (sic.) factor here is low,” a Wikipedian stated to rationalize his support for deletion. In this debate, the reliability of the New York Times’ obituary sections was up for debate in a way that it had not been before regarding other articles.

72 Leave a comment on paragraph 72 0 [9] While these debates are civil, and Wikipedians do not as aggressively pursue anti-racist content as a conspiracy, Wikipedia is far from a racial utopia. In fact, Groups like Stormfront (White Nationalist Community Forum) have a long history of creating content on Black supremacy, white genocide, and Jewish ethnocentrism, protecting these pages closely. See Reagle, 2010.

73 Leave a comment on paragraph 73 0 [10] However, another editor claiming to be a lawyer rebutted this argument in the debate about whether an article on the 2014 investigations should be deleted by stating that this statement misrepresents, if not fully misundertstands, the relationship between criminal and civil proceedings.

74 Leave a comment on paragraph 74 0 [11] When I posted in the ANI thread that I felt as though I was being harassed by this user, he wrote “I would, however, like to apologize to [[User:Thebrycepeake|Thebrycepeake]] if she feels harassed. That certainly was not my intention.” The mistaken assumption about the gender of people writing about campus sexual violence aside, this post reveals the need to remain focused on the impacts of rhetorical maneuvers and discussions, as intentional ideologies are ever ready to remove forms of symbolic violence from play when they are very much still “in play.”

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Version of Record: Peake, Bryce, (2015). WP:THREATENING2MEN: Misogynist Infopolitics and the Hegemony of the Asshole Consensus on English Wikipedia. Ada: A Journal of Gender, New Media, and Technology, No.7. doi:10.7264/N3TH8JZS

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