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Dismantling ‘You get what you deserve’: Toward a feminist sociology of revenge porn

1 Leave a comment on paragraph 1 0 By Emilee Eikren and Mary Ingram-Waters

2 Leave a comment on paragraph 2 2 Abstract:With this research, we seek to formulate a feminist sociology of revenge porn, defined as the non-consensual circulation of intimate images with the intent to harm, to bring together two existing explanations for critical interrogation: that revenge porn is a gendered crime that disproportionately affects women and that these women get what they deserve. We look at focus group data to target this tension between why women are both victimized and held responsible for their own victimization. We contribute to a small but growing body of research that sees revenge porn and other types of cyber sexual assault through a theoretical framework that explains violence against women as systemic rather than as actions of individual perpetrators.

3 Leave a comment on paragraph 3 4 Revenge porn, popularly defined as the non-consensual distribution of explicit images to incite embarrassment or shame and widely recognized as a crime that disproportionately affects women, has become increasingly common as highly visible cases, such as the 2014 celebrity hacking scandal, the Fappening, make national and global news. Reponses to revenge porn victims echo a bifurcation found in broader discourse on violence, especially sexual violence, against women: one, that women are more likely than men to be victims of sexual violence because of their gender; and two, that women victims of sexual violence bring it on themselves. Our goal with this research is to look closely at meaning-making strategies that reflect these two different stances in the context of revenge porn with the intent of developing a feminist sociology of revenge porn. Thus, we ask broad questions about revenge porn’s definition, its victims and perpetrators, whether or not it is a crime, and what, if anything, should be done.

4 Leave a comment on paragraph 4 3 We are two researchers, a faculty member and a student, at a large university in the southwestern United States. Like all of our study’s participants, we know individuals, all of whom identify as women, who have been, and in some sense continue to be, victims of revenge porn. Though only one of these victims had intimate images posted to a revenge porn website, all of them experienced horrific life-changing consequences because of the non-consensual circulation of their private images. One person’s career was seriously jeopardized, another person was stalked, while another person felt forced to transfer to a different university. At one time or another, all of the victims felt shame, with some voicing deep regret for participating in the initial taking or sharing of the images. Some said they felt unsafe in public places. All expressed anxiety because they were constantly aware that anyone around them may have viewed those images. Their experiences do not comprise the data of our study. Rather the responses that they engendered in their conversations with us, in discussions between the two of us, and in wider dialogues within our social networks, form the impetus for this study because the two stances discussed above, that women can be victims of revenge porn in particularly gendered ways and that they can also be held responsible for their own victimization, were both present, often simultaneously.

5 Leave a comment on paragraph 5 5 To get at a feminist sociology of revenge porn, we want to examine how people can understand revenge porn to be both a gendered crime and also a crime that women bring on themselves. First, we look to the relatively small but growing academic literature on revenge porn, which largely defines it as a type of sexual violence, often situating it in a feminist violence against women theoretical framework. We also look at some targeted concepts associated with feminist studies of the Internet which generally theorize it as a hegemonic masculine space highly antagonistic to women. Finally, we analyze focus group data on revenge porn, specifically targeting the tension between recognizing the gendered nature of revenge porn and blaming women for it. Rather than isolate and remove our own experiences with victims of revenge porn, in the tradition of feminist scholarship, we look to those experiences as a standpoint from which we can verify the authenticity of our findings (Hekman 1997).

Revenge Porn as Violence Against Women

6 Leave a comment on paragraph 6 0 For scholars who study revenge porn, or other kinds of cyber harassment, it is essential to see revenge porn as part of a larger pattern of a culture of violence against women. Specifically, revenge porn should be positioned within a feminist paradigm that makes explicit the systemic connections between gendered violence and gender inequality (Fairbairn 2015). Women are targeted for revenge porn or other forms of cyber harassment as a means to prevent them from enjoying full access to the opportunities, increasingly linked to their online reputations, necessary to live productive lives (Citron 2014). To see cases of revenge porn as isolated events instigated by angry ex-partners is to miss the ways that the Internet and social media applications facilitate hegemonic masculinity (Henry and Powell 2012; Massanari 2015; Megarry 2014; Melander 2010; Nabil 2014).

7 Leave a comment on paragraph 7 0 Fairbairn argues that revenge porn is a type of gendered violence reflective of larger cultural patterns of sexual violence against women and girls (2015). Writing in an overview of girls’ experiences online in Canada, Fairbairn outlines how revenge porn operates as a discursive filter in media representations in ways that reinforce sexist understandings of gender. Fairbairn sees in media accounts that ‘discursive tendencies surrounding revenge porn are similar to those surrounding sexual violence generally, such as victim blaming (“What was she thinking taking that photo?”) and viewing men as inevitable perpetrators (“Of course he shared it, what did you expect?”),’ (2015, 239). Relatedly, Citron, in numerous pieces on cyber harassment, sees cyber sexual assault as a cultural problem. To the discourse on revenge porn that includes victim-blaming and problematic masculinity, she also adds a gross failure on the part of law enforcement and Internet service providers due to long-standing trivialization of reported cyber harassment incidents (2009, 2010, 2014). Further, the trivialization of crimes that disproportionately target women has a long history that includes sexual harassment in the workplace and domestic violence (2014). For both Fairbairn and Citron, specifically calling revenge porn a type of gendered violence against women, like sexual harassment and domestic violence, means that it can be targeted, regulated, and, to some extent, banished through a deliberate change in cultural values and socialization processes. That would enable women to fully utilize the Internet and social media to pursue opportunities for a productive life without fear.

8 Leave a comment on paragraph 8 2 Sexting, or the consensual texting of explicit images, is seen as a factor that contributes to revenge porn because it can generate an initial image of someone that can then be further circulated without their consent. Sexting as a gateway into revenge porn gets a feminist theoretical reframing in works by Gong and Hoffman (2012) and Henry and Powell (2015). Gong and Hoffman, in a study of proposed sexting policies, identify the inclination toward slut-shaming in efforts to police self-sexters. They define slut-shaming as the act of criticizing or insulting individuals, mostly women and girls, for their perceived sexual availability, behavior, or history, to ‘shame or degrade them’ (Gong and Hoffman 2012, 3). Their study claims that proposed regulation of sexting reflects public sentiment grounded in slut-shaming, and, as such, suggests that self-sexters should feel ashamed of their behavior. Henry and Powell’s study of technology-facilitated sexual violence and harassment asserts that harmful digital communication is mistakenly defined through ‘user naiveté instead of gender-based violence,’ (2015, 105). Their study of youth sexting regulation in Australia claims that existing and proposed legislation reinforces negative assumptions of youth and sexuality and takes attention away from technology-facilitated sexual violence and harassment (Henry and Powell 2015). They contend that policies directed at sexting deny youth sexual agency while promoting victim-blaming. Blaming self-sexters for any resultant revenge porn is deeply problematic similar to victim-blaming women for real life sexual violence.

9 Leave a comment on paragraph 9 6 A feminist conceptualization of revenge porn also questions the taken for granted notions that the Internet is a gender-neutral space. In her ethnography of Reddit users, Massanari attributes, in part, a culture of misogyny to the website’s platform (2015). She finds that specific technological features of Reddit, including users’ ability to ‘upvote’ user-generated content into highly visible spaces or ‘downvote’ it into obscurity, as well as the potentially extraordinary gatekeeping power of volunteer moderators to either moderate or not moderate questionable content, coupled with the overall unwillingness of Reddit’s upper-level administrators to intervene in any way, facilitate hegemonic masculinity. Reddit’s hegemonic masculinity makes women, especially LGBT women and women of color, the other, and thus, subject to horrific sexist and racist vitriol that is upvoted by thousands of like-minded Redditors. Similarly, a case study of Twitter hashtag #mencallmethings by Jessica Megarry calls attention to the structures of the online world as tools for silencing women’s voices (Megarry 2014). Megarry’s review of Tweet data that contained online name-calling shows how the Internet is a gendered space where women routinely experience considerable harassment especially ‘women who disobey prescriptive gender roles’ [who] ‘are disproportionately targeted for harassment’ (Megarry 2014, 48). Harassment via Twitter happens because users can post from multiple fake accounts, can marshal like-minded users from other sites such as Reddit and 4chan for attacks, can hijack and subvert hashtags, and, until recently, were not likely to be reined in by Twitter’s higher-ups.

10 Leave a comment on paragraph 10 2 Viewing revenge porn through a feminist theoretical lens means situating it within a broader culture of violence against women instead of seeing it as an individual act against a woman. It also means seeing revenge porn as a phenomenon that reflects the ways in which the Internet and social media are not gender-neutral. Next, we turn to focus groups as another site for meaning-making strategies about revenge porn.

Focus Groups and Revenge Porn

11 Leave a comment on paragraph 11 2 To further get at the meaning-making strategies that might lead to the earlier discussed bifurcation of claims regarding revenge porn, that women are more likely to be victims and that women victims are responsible for their victimization, we also turn to focus groups. Focus groups in academic research can be used to gain knowledge of participants’ perceptions of a particular topic (Lia Litosseliti 2013, 8). We start with basic questions about revenge porn, its victims and perpetrators, whether or not it is a crime, and what, if anything, should be done.

Methods

12 Leave a comment on paragraph 12 2 We submitted and gained approval for our research protocol from our university’s Institutional Review Board. We went through three rounds of focus group attempts before we finally had participants. During our first attempt, we found a written message on one of the posters hanging in a residential hall which we include below in Figure 3 and address further in our discussion.

13 Leave a comment on paragraph 13 0 We submitted and gained approval for our research protocol from our university’s Institutional Review Board. We went through three rounds of focus group attempts before we finally had participants. During our first attempt, we found a written message on one of the posters hanging in a residential hall which we include below in Figure 3 and address further in our discussion.

14 Leave a comment on paragraph 14 0 figure-1-image-onlyFigure 1. Revenge Porn Focus Group graffiti.

15 Leave a comment on paragraph 15 4 Our third attempt at reaching participants yielded two focus groups: one with eight mixed gender students and one with two mixed gender students. Four participants identified as female and six participants as male. Participants were between 18-22 years old.

16 Leave a comment on paragraph 16 0 Focus group discussions lasted about 30-45 minutes. Trained moderators led open discussions which were recorded as audio files. We transcribed the discussions and coded them for these emergent themes: definition of revenge porn, responsibility for revenge porn, women as victims, sexting and slut-shaming, the futility of laws, and the role of education.

Data Analysis and Discussion

17 Leave a comment on paragraph 17 4 As an overview, we find that as participants try to define revenge porn, they all have personal connections to victims, and as such, ‘know it when they see it.’ They also recognize that women are more likely than men to be victims of revenge porn and, to some extent, explicate a gender-specific kind of violence to explain why that is the case. They see revenge porn as both the actions of angry ex-partners and also hackers. Participants assign blame fully to individual perpetrators of revenge porn but they also see hosting websites as having some responsibility. While none of the participants hold victims accountable for any aspect of revenge porn, they do recognize that others do, particularly when revenge porn stems from sexting. Participants struggle with explicating the role of viewers in revenge porn. Participants see that laws and their enforcement seem to be futile in stopping revenge porn. Alongside laws to regulate revenge porn, even given their perceived futility, participants advocate education about the Internet.

What is revenge porn?

18 Leave a comment on paragraph 18 0 When asked initially for a definition of revenge porn, all of the participants recognized it as non-consensual distribution of intimate images and further, personally knew victims. One participant described revenge porn as: ‘You take something that was either nude photos or videos or something compromising of somebody that you obtain in a relationship and you put it up online with malicious intent,’ (Tyler, 21 years old). Another participant described it thusly: ‘I found out about it in high school, websites that have pictures of people and explicit content in a sort of like a fashion if they broke up with their significant other they would post it on that website,’ (Sam, 21 years old). Once these two participants shared these particular definitions, all of the other participants agreed that they, too, understood the concept of revenge porn similarly, saying things like: ‘I also heard of it like that in high school, used in that manner to shame or to blackmail,’ (Raquel, 21 years old).

19 Leave a comment on paragraph 19 0 For all, revenge porn was something they could define primarily in highly personal and local terms because they knew someone who had been victimized. Two participants spoke of a recent case of revenge porn that had happened at their university in which a video of a female student (the victim) having sexual intercourse with a male student (the perpetrator) at a party was circulated via social media. Two other participants had known victims from their respective high schools. In both of those cases, ex-boyfriends had circulated previously sexted images of female students to others via their phones. One participant knew of someone who had been victimized in middle school. Two participants knew of individuals who had been on a local website, ‘TheDirty,’ in which anonymous posters submitted images alongside identifying information (see Figure 2 below). All of the participants knew about the 2014 celebrity hacking scandal, the Fappening, and directly referenced the nude pictures of Jennifer Lawrence and Kate Upton.

20 Leave a comment on paragraph 20 0 figure-2-the-dirtyFigure 2. Screen Capture from thedirty.com

21 Leave a comment on paragraph 21 2 As an initial answer to the question of what is revenge porn, participants said that it is the non-consensual sharing of explicit images of an individual, usually for the purpose of causing them shame or harm. Furthermore, all of the participants recognized that revenge porn has victims, who are likely to be women, and perpetrators, who are likely to be men.

Revenge porn and women

22 Leave a comment on paragraph 22 0 Most participants said that women were more likely to be victimized than men by revenge porn, though one participant said that it could happen to anyone with a vengeful ex-partner and did not see women as particularly at risk. As mentioned above, all participants directly knew of someone who had been victimized by revenge porn, and all of those victims were women. For example, one participant said, ‘I’ve known girls who have gotten their naked pictures passed around,’ (Lydia, 22 years old) while another said, ‘In high school, a girl sent a picture to a guy and his friends took his phone and sent the picture to their friends and it just grew and grew,’ (Jake, 22 years old). Another participant described the outcome of a recent case of revenge porn:

23 Leave a comment on paragraph 23 0 A while back there was girl who publicly had sex at a party and people took pictures and put it up online and everybody knew who she was. It was this big thing because she was supposed to be really awesome and doing really well in her studies and got really intoxicated at a party… and it just went terribly for her and … she ended up moving schools (Tyler, 21 years old).

24 Leave a comment on paragraph 24 0 In each of the above examples, women had their images distributed without their consent. That none of the three examples involved a vengeful ex-partner did not limit participants’ understanding of each as an example of revenge porn.

25 Leave a comment on paragraph 25 2 Participants struggled to explicate why women were more likely to be targets for revenge porn. With the exception of one participant, they all recognized that women are victims of revenge porn more often than men. No one could think of a single case of revenge porn happening to a man. However, participants did try to link victimization of women with a sentiment about holding power over women who ‘deserved’ to be shamed. One participant likened revenge porn to slut-shaming: ‘It’s like a form of slut-shaming, so it’s saying you deserve to have these pictures leaked, obviously as you woman you enjoy this in the first place regardless of if you took a picture,’ (Marco, 20 years old). That same participant said something similar when discussing the Fappening: ‘I know a lot of the rhetoric around people consuming [nude pictures of celebrities] was that this was a malicious thing to put the celebrities in their place because they deserved it,’ (Marco, 20 years old). Other participants nodded their heads and used other non-verbal cues of assent to show that they agreed.

Who is to blame for revenge porn?

26 Leave a comment on paragraph 26 0 Participants had no trouble assigning blame for revenge porn to anyone who did anything without the consent from the subject of the focal image, including those who photographed or recorded images without consent, distributors of images without consent, and websites who hosted images without consent. One participant said, ‘If [an explicit image is] taken already without permission it should be considered revenge porn because if you’re not getting consent from that person you must already have ulterior motives for doing that action,’ (Sam, 21 years old). When defining revenge porn, this participant said it was ‘Posting the sexually explicit pictures on any social media site or even showing friends, in a private space, pictures of the person that didn’t give permission to show to other people,’ (Michelle, 20 years old). Another participant said, ‘In my high school there was a situation where it didn’t just start off being spread on social media, it was just a couple of people in a room that saw the picture and then everyone was aware that it was out there and talking about it, which is in itself revenge porn,’ (Raquel, 21 years old). When addressing hosting websites, one participant said, ‘But if [the hosting website is] making a ton of money off of [revenge porn images] like these websites that have ads for other porn then there should be legal action because they’re making money off of pictures posted that are not theirs and were posted without permission,’ (Marco, 20 years old).

27 Leave a comment on paragraph 27 2 Participants, overall, did not hold victims responsible for any aspect of revenge porn though they recognized that others often do so, a view that also manifested in the graffiti on our Focus Group flyer shown in Figure 3 above. Only one participant came close to saying that victims might be somewhat responsible: ‘It’s so tricky because I feel like you should have a right to your body being displayed but if you are putting it out there you do release some of that,’ (Lydia, 22 years old). One participant said that others blamed victims because they were critical of any initial sharing of an intimate image by a victim:

28 Leave a comment on paragraph 28 0 Someone’s personal choice to do something should not be held against them. You wouldn’t tell someone it’s their fault that they got hit by a car because they chose to … drive the car. They did not make the choice to have their photos shared. It should not be held against them, (Sam, 21 years old).

29 Leave a comment on paragraph 29 0 The other participants were in agreement.

30 Leave a comment on paragraph 30 0 What was far more difficult for participants to assess was what, if any, was the responsibility of viewers of revenge porn content. Participants engaged with the idea that viewers could be held accountable for viewing revenge porn images if any legal actions were enacted to combat revenge porn. One participant talked of viewer responsibility in personal terms:

31 Leave a comment on paragraph 31 0 I’ll give you my personal example: a friend of mine was like ‘dude you gotta see this …it’s called the Fappening’ and … he clicked on it and it was all these nude celebrities and I thought ‘oh shit’ … I didn’t mean to see it but I saw it, (Jake, 22 years old).

32 Leave a comment on paragraph 32 0 Another participant maintained a broad view of blame, including for viewers: ‘I feel like if someone else’s rights are infringed upon and their privacy, I think that should be taken into account in the legal system,’ (Sam, 21 years old). But another participant countered such a broad approach with this hypothetical situation: ‘I agree that’s really hard because then you have someone that’s like maybe 9 years old who sees the photo and maybe they didn’t know and they just clicked it out of curiosity?’ (Michelle, 20 years old). Another participant who countered any kind of call for legal action against viewers said, ‘And it’s just a naked picture you don’t know whether or not, if I’m going to have to question, oh did this person get permission, am I going to get in trouble for watching this, will I be in trouble for watching this because I don’t know that these people gave permission,’ (Tyler, 21 years old).

The futility of revenge porn laws

33 Leave a comment on paragraph 33 0 Participants unanimously called for legal consequences for revenge porn even though they doubted the effectiveness of such laws. One participant agreed there should be consequences but then discussed its complexities:

34 Leave a comment on paragraph 34 0 I mean the ideal thing would be to have a law but I think it is tough to do anything about this because it has such a gray blurred line kind of thing … Maybe somebody puts it up on a website, decides to take the website down, and people still repost it maliciously. I just don’t think a law would be able to handle the range of what this could be (Tyler, 21 years old).

35 Leave a comment on paragraph 35 2 Moreover, participants cited the open nature of the Internet as problematic for regulating revenge porn. One participant cited the impossibility of deciding who should be charged: ‘So are we talking about the guy who hacked it, the guy who posted it, then all the people who viewed…should all those people go to jail? That’s a lot of people’ (Jake, 22 years old). Not only did participants worry about innocent bystanders, but they also worried about the First Amendment. Participants felt uncomfortable with the idea of strict Internet content monitoring because they recognized the Internet as a free speech zone. One participant identified the futility of government regulation, explaining that convoluted laws may harm the desirability of being online:

36 Leave a comment on paragraph 36 2 Does that mean every time you want to send a photo to somebody or post something you’ll have to write up legal documents? It becomes a whole legal ordeal that completely takes away from the fun of the Internet (Tyler 21 years old).

37 Leave a comment on paragraph 37 0 For this participant, sharing photos and viewing content online helps make the Internet an interesting space. While he agreed revenge porn perpetrators should be held responsible, he worried about unintended consequences that may result from creating new laws.

38 Leave a comment on paragraph 38 0 These examples show participants’ doubts about revenge porn laws. They agreed somebody should be protecting victims online but the system in place either will not or cannot. It is notable that the majority of participants shaped the discussion on how the government could effectively police revenge porn. This narrow view categorizes revenge porn as solely a legal issue, discounting any cultural constructs. Only one participant saw revenge porn as a social issue:

39 Leave a comment on paragraph 39 0 I think overall it’s an issue that needs to change socially rather than just laws. The government only has so much say and can’t take down everything on the Internet. As a society we need to stop being jerks, (Tyler, 21 years old).

Stopping revenge porn

40 Leave a comment on paragraph 40 2 Despite a consensus on the futility of revenge porn laws to stop revenge porn, all participants wanted to see revenge porn laws. But they also advocated a range of other solutions including rules for hosting websites and general Internet education initiatives. For hosting websites, participants wanted to see modified user agreements that would enable victims to easily request removal of images: ‘I think they [revenge porn victims] should still be able to have it taken down at their request,’ (Lydia, 22 years old). Relatedly, one participant suggested, ‘I think [websites] should be required to change their user agreement and go from there,’ so that posters’ identifying information could be released to facilitate legal action initiated by victims (Sasha, 20 years old). While acknowledging the difficulty of the proposed solution, one participant wanted to see hosting websites monitor user-uploaded content: ‘Maybe just the content should be monitored but then when you start monitoring content it becomes really tough because you not only are monitoring the original content but what other people post,’ (Tyler, 21).

41 Leave a comment on paragraph 41 0 Some participants also thought that young people should receive better education about the Internet to specifically curtail abuse. One participant said: ‘I think it’s the government’s responsibility to educate people like in sex education. … they should teach kids sex extends beyond the act itself,’ (Tyler, 21 years old). Following up on that idea, another participant said, ‘I think it’s really interesting just because so much of our lives are on the Internet and most people are ok with that but this seems like an area where we should be drawing the line,’ (Lydia, 22 years old).

Conclusion: Dismantling the idea that women are victims because they had it coming.

42 Leave a comment on paragraph 42 0 For our participants, revenge porn is the act of non-consensually sharing an intimate image of another person. This includes sharing an image with one’s friends without the image’s subject’s consent, posting an image to a revenge porn website, and the Fappening. Further, revenge porn is often paired with intent to humiliate or otherwise harm the subject of the intimate image though it is not a necessary condition, as some participants noted that images could be initially shared consensually and then could end up online and result in great harm for the image’s subject(s). To some extent, the hosting websites are also at fault. Notably, viewers have some responsibility, too, though participants struggled to define what that might be and how impossible it might be to enforce. For the most part, while participants recognized that victims could be held to blame for revenge porn, they did not attribute blame to that group, calling it victim-blaming and likening it to slut-shaming.

43 Leave a comment on paragraph 43 2 Participants struggled with understanding why revenge porn is a gendered phenomenon. While they knew the victims were largely women and that the perpetrators were largely men, they could not explain why. Thinking about why women were victims was mostly voiced through a conceptualization of holding the power to blame and punish women: that women were victims because they deserved it. They deserved it because they participated in sexting, engaged in sexual activity, or were successful celebrities, all of which seem to be reason enough for perpetrators to engage in revenge porn. Let us be clear: the participants did not think that victims of revenge porn deserved to be victimized. Rather, they said that they thought what motivated perpetrators to engage in revenge porn was to hold power over women for exercising their sexuality. Moreover, they recognized that victims would be held responsible for ‘their role’ in their own victimization by others even though they did not personally believe this to be the case and, further, they also recognized the harm that such a set of beliefs would have for victims.

44 Leave a comment on paragraph 44 9 A feminist sociology of revenge porn helps us understand why participants could say this much about revenge porn, focusing on individual victims and perpetrators, without being able to see it as a product of a culture of violence against women. Furthermore, it helps us understand why participants who worried about how regulations of any Internet content would ‘ruin the fun’ or violate First Amendment rights, failed to see the Internet and social media applications as gendered technologies or, at the very least, technologies that could facilitate misogyny. Finally, a feminist sociology of revenge porn lets us comfort the victims we know personally by reminding them that it is never their fault. In short, a feminist sociology of revenge porn helps us dismantle the notion that when women are victimized through revenge porn, that they get what they deserve.

References

45 Leave a comment on paragraph 45 0 Citron, Danielle Keats. 2009. Law’s Expressive Value in Combating Cyber Gender Harassment. Michigan Law Review 108(3): 373-416.

46 Leave a comment on paragraph 46 0 Citron, Danielle Keats. 2014. Hate Crimes in Cyberspace. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

47 Leave a comment on paragraph 47 0 Fairbairn, Jordan. Rape Threats and Revenge Porn: Defining Sexual Violence in the Digital Age. The eGirls Project. Accessed June 16, 2016. https://egirlsproject.ca/research/egirls-ecitizens-putting-technology-theory-and-policy-into-dialogue-with-girls-and-young-womens-voices/chapter-9-rape-threats-and-revenge-porn-defining-sexual-violence-in-the-digital-age-jordan-fairbairn/

48 Leave a comment on paragraph 48 0 Gong, LiJia and Alina Hoffman. 2012. Sexting and Slut-Shaming: Why Prosecution of Teen Self-Sexters Harms Women. Georgetown Journal of Gender & The Law 13(2): 577-589.

49 Leave a comment on paragraph 49 0 Hekman, Susan. 1997. Truth and Method: Feminist Standpoint Theory Revisited. Signs 22(2): 341 – 365.

50 Leave a comment on paragraph 50 0 Henry, Nicola and Powell, Anastasia. 2015. Beyond the ‘Sext’: Technology-Facilitated Sexual Violence and Harassment Against Adult Women. Journal of Criminology 48(1): 104-118.

51 Leave a comment on paragraph 51 0 Henry, Nicola and Powell, Anastasia. 2012. Embodied Harms: Gender: Shame, and Technology-Facilitated Sexual Violence. Violence Against Women 21(6): 758 – 779.

52 Leave a comment on paragraph 52 0 Litosseliti, Lia. 2013. Using focus groups in research. New York: Bloomsbury.

53 Leave a comment on paragraph 53 0 Massanari, Adrienne. 2015. #Gamergate and The Fappening: How Reddit’s Algorithm,
Governance, and Culture Support Toxic Technolocultures. New Media & Society. Forthcoming.

54 Leave a comment on paragraph 54 0 Megarry, Jessica. 2014. Online Incivility or Sexual Harassment? Conceptualizing Women’s Experiences in The Digital Age. Women’s Studies International Forum 47: 46-55.

55 Leave a comment on paragraph 55 2 Melander, Lisa A. 2010. College Students’ Perceptions of Intimate Partner Cyber Harassment. Cyberpsychology, Behavior, and Social Networking 13(3): 263-268.

56 Leave a comment on paragraph 56 0 Nabil, Md. 2014. From Sex Tapes to Revenge Porn: Construction of a Genre. Master’s thesis, Stockholm University.

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Source: http://adareview.fembotcollective.org/ada-issue-10-special-section/dismantling-get-deserve-toward-feminist-sociology-revenge-porn/